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| Frances Fitzgerald, Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. |
Sunday, August 23, 2015
Michael Collins Revisionism
Thursday, August 13, 2015
The Tort of False Imprisonment
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| Tánaiste Joan Burton changes cars before being evacuated from the protests in Dublin. |
Saturday, August 08, 2015
Tools for a New Ireland
The challenges Ireland faces in the modern world are new and daunting. Technology and the Internet have created conditions within which Ireland is competing with Singapore, threatened by ISIS, and selling to China. Multi-national corporations that are based on technology and the Internet are both threats and opportunities, yet they operate at a level that is completely alien to the state administration functions that we operate today.
This is not to say that the current administrative functions are remaining idle. There are pockets of capability, projects underway, and champions of innovation across the public sector that are all attempting to bridge the gap between legacy service delivery, and the changing environment within which we operate. What we need to do is to recognise and harness those islands of capability, amplify them, and extend them across the public service.
This is not to say that the current administrative functions are remaining idle. There are pockets of capability, projects underway, and champions of innovation across the public sector that are all attempting to bridge the gap between legacy service delivery, and the changing environment within which we operate. What we need to do is to recognise and harness those islands of capability, amplify them, and extend them across the public service.
Saturday, June 13, 2015
On Russia: A Response to Luke 'Ming' Flanagan
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| Not a joking matter. |
First of all, this was not a vote on sovereignty, save insofar as it had been denied the people of Eastern Ukraine. It was a vote of censure, an expression of sentiment in foreign relations. If Mr Flanagan is of a view that the EU has given up any entitlement it may have claimed to have a view on foreign government behaviour, then he is in effect denying it any strategic position at all. Furthermore, if he really believed in his position, he would have abstained; for in voting no he was effectively making a counter claim, and therefore expressing a judgement on Russia.
What he instead chose to do was to court publicity. Brussels is a long way from home for a Roscommon politician. It's hard to get noticed. Try telling that to the dead and the disappeared of Putin's Russia, to the bereaved thousands of families in Ukraine, to the threatened of the Baltics. Luke Flanagan has a position of extraordinary responsibility. It's time he grew up and did his job.
Monday, February 23, 2015
Nationalism in Ireland in 2015
A debate has begun in Ireland on how the country should celebrate Easter 2016, one hundred years after the Easter Rising. Thus far it has taken the shape of an external-relativist debate, particularly in relation to the UK; and a peace-violence debate, and whether violent uprising should be celebrated, especially given the question about what it actually achieved. The official launch video in November was almost universally panned for seeking to look to the future (with the British Queen's visit seemingly the starting point) and almost completely ignoring the Rising itself, and the proclamation of independence. I have some sympathy with the designers of the video; if we look deep enough into the dark past of history, there is some danger that the country may fall back into it.
Tuesday, December 09, 2014
Undue Control of Media in Ireland
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| Denis O'Brien (left) and Alex White: What are the Media Mergers Guidelines really all about? |
Thursday, October 16, 2014
Post-2016: A Dáil in Chaos?
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| Was it for this etc.? |
Sunday, August 17, 2014
Rural Ireland Deserves Better
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| Rural Ireland: Not bad if you're a sheep. Because sheep don't need broadband, roads, services, healthcare... |
The Irish Times are hosting a commendable section dedicated to rural Ireland and its concerns, and solicited comments from Labour's Ann Phelan, Minister for Rural Affairs. We'll stop this donut effect, she said, making sure large supermarkets don't locate outside town centers. Other than that, she's not promising anything because she says "I probably have a maximum of 18-21 months to do something.” Her main focus she says is on job creation; there is no budget (save that from other departments) with which to directly fund projects.
Monday, June 23, 2014
Stephen Donnelly: Ireland's Ralph Nader
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| Nader was vilified and heavily criticised at first, but his book transformed the car industry in America. |
Wednesday, April 30, 2014
The Next Anglo-Scale Crisis Will be in Data Protection
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| Billy Hawkes has his work cut out for him |
Friday, February 07, 2014
The Liberal Left and the New Religion
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| Narcissists? We've been heading in that direction for some time. |
In an over-used and most likely incorrectly attributed quotation,
when asked what the influence of the French Revolution had been on Western Democracy,
the Chinese Foreign Minister replied that is was too soon to tell. Given the apocryphal nature of the story, and
the layers of invention that the Internet places on such stories, we don’t know
if Zhou Enlai smiled as he said it. The
most significant shift that happened with the French Revolution – and the Enlightenment
generally – was the shift from peoples and tribes to individuals and
rights. The Cartesian
fundamental coigito ergo sum (I think
therefore I am) had made its way through the corridors of time and consequence
from arcane academic existential consideration to politics, and war, and
statecraft. If Millenials are accused of
being all about me, me and me on the cover of Time Magazine, it’s only because
we've been heading that way for several hundred years.
Sunday, January 26, 2014
Why Ireland Needs Drones
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| Drones come in all shapes and sizes, not just Predators with sidewinders attached. |
Monday, January 20, 2014
More Unbelievable Truths from the CRC?
Ham Goulding's attempt to clear the air in a series of interviews at the weekend, in an attempt to pour water on the raging fire of the Central Remedial Clinc scandal, appears to have failed. The Public Accounts Committee still wants them all in, and Mr McGuinness will have his show. Goulding claimed that the settlement was an attempt to save money, because keeping Kiely on as Chief Executive would have cost €2.1m over six years.
Let's do the math. First, the settlement of €740k means that the net saving would have only been €1.36m over the six years, which Goulding acknowledges. However, they then immediately agreed to appoint Brian Conlon on a salary of €125k (later reduced under pressure from the HSE). That's a total of at least €750,000 over six years, which leaves the benefit at €610,000 at most. Therefore, adopting Goulding's logic, they paid €740k in order to save €610k. This is despite the fact that one board member went so far as to have it noted in the minutes her reluctance to agree to the departure of Mr Kiely - being such a fine Chief Executive - but for it appeared that he was resolved to leave. Go figure.
Let's do the math. First, the settlement of €740k means that the net saving would have only been €1.36m over the six years, which Goulding acknowledges. However, they then immediately agreed to appoint Brian Conlon on a salary of €125k (later reduced under pressure from the HSE). That's a total of at least €750,000 over six years, which leaves the benefit at €610,000 at most. Therefore, adopting Goulding's logic, they paid €740k in order to save €610k. This is despite the fact that one board member went so far as to have it noted in the minutes her reluctance to agree to the departure of Mr Kiely - being such a fine Chief Executive - but for it appeared that he was resolved to leave. Go figure.
Tuesday, January 14, 2014
NAMA: Rebadging Failure as Success
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| Photo Credit: Google Images |
NAMA was actually designed to do this. Its model works thus: you have a property worth $50m, for which a developer has a loan of $100m, you pay the bank $20 for the loan, re-capitalise the bank for the $80m shortfall (i.e. repay the German inter-bank lender) through off-books sovereign debt, then sell the property for $30m, making (ahem) a $10m 'profit'. So NAMA then is a success, because it drove a profit from its loan book. The State, meanwhile, is crippled.
Anyone can be successful if they are allowed to define the rules for success themselves. Small minds are destroying this place.
A No-Vision Rest Home for No-Vision Politicians: The Conservative Reform Alliance
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| Didn't get the memo then? |
Her fall from high office has been well documented, losing the whip on the abortion bill, and subsequently forming the Reform Alliance, an entity not quite a political party, but registered for fundraising and populated by politicians. Today, it emerged that several high profile independent TDs would not be supporting the breakaway movement, dealing a significant blow to the Alliance, and seriously undermining any ambitions it may have had to real power. Which is a shame.
Wednesday, December 04, 2013
Ireland: Land of the Blind
Just when you think it really can't get any worse.
It's bad enough that we pushed the national debt towards €200m, or roughly four times what it costs to run the country every year. Furthermore, we've destroyed the construction industry, crippled the property market, and plunged anyone who bought a house in the last ten years into negative equity. We're cutting our way to growth, which seems insane, insisting on paying all of our debts - notwithstanding the systemic flaws in the Euro structure that have been at the heart of Ireland's inability to recover. We have acceded to the decimation of our population and its future through youth emigration, of a type that we have never seen before - it's not financial, and these ones don't intend on coming back. This is no mere release valve for unemployment with some of them going because they're young, free, and up for a bit of an adventure. It's not a lifestyle choice, it's a life choice.
It's bad enough that we pushed the national debt towards €200m, or roughly four times what it costs to run the country every year. Furthermore, we've destroyed the construction industry, crippled the property market, and plunged anyone who bought a house in the last ten years into negative equity. We're cutting our way to growth, which seems insane, insisting on paying all of our debts - notwithstanding the systemic flaws in the Euro structure that have been at the heart of Ireland's inability to recover. We have acceded to the decimation of our population and its future through youth emigration, of a type that we have never seen before - it's not financial, and these ones don't intend on coming back. This is no mere release valve for unemployment with some of them going because they're young, free, and up for a bit of an adventure. It's not a lifestyle choice, it's a life choice.
Monday, October 07, 2013
Seanad Result: An Irish Identity Crisis
There are those who would argue that the Seanad result is a vote against the government, a protest vote. Others say that it is a vote in favour of reform. I think it runs deeper than that, however. What we are seeing in this country is a pattern of negativity and absence in our politics that has become progressively worse over the last ten years.
The problem is that there is no vision, no direction being articulated by our elites. Elites have never been a problem in this country, we are a people seemingly happy to subjugate ourselves before our betters, whether that's the British, the Catholic Church, or Fianna Fáil, though each of them found that there was a limit to our patience. Each represented a kind of vision, an identity, a belief that we could attach ourselves to. With the British, we were a part of Empire; with the Church, we were a Catholic Leader country, with education, healthcare and the entirety of our social fabric tied up in the Church; and with Fianna Fáil it was the political extension of the late nineteenth century Gaelic Revival, a kind of Irish exceptionalism, we saints and scholars, a cult of the extraordinary that was almost fascist in its design.
The problem is that there is no vision, no direction being articulated by our elites. Elites have never been a problem in this country, we are a people seemingly happy to subjugate ourselves before our betters, whether that's the British, the Catholic Church, or Fianna Fáil, though each of them found that there was a limit to our patience. Each represented a kind of vision, an identity, a belief that we could attach ourselves to. With the British, we were a part of Empire; with the Church, we were a Catholic Leader country, with education, healthcare and the entirety of our social fabric tied up in the Church; and with Fianna Fáil it was the political extension of the late nineteenth century Gaelic Revival, a kind of Irish exceptionalism, we saints and scholars, a cult of the extraordinary that was almost fascist in its design.
Tuesday, October 01, 2013
Retaining the Seanad: Vote No!
I was unsure about this referendum. The Seanad has long been a bit of a wasted opportunity. A landing spot for failed Dáil candidates; Bertie's appointment of Eoghan Harris; the famous 'weekend Senators' who get appointed for a couple of days at the end of a term in order to get past-members' parking rights and all that other bullshit. Generally speaking it is a failed institution, and in truth we won't miss much if and when it's gone.
I'm voting to retain the Seanad. Why? Because of the cynical, populist, and arrogant way in which the Government has decided to execute its campaign. This isn't reform, it changes nothing. The problem is with the concentration of power, and this does nothing to address that. This is nothing to do with saving money - no permanent jobs will go, and no buildings will go. Yet the Government has said that this is why they are doing it, and, according to the Irish Times poll on Monday, that is why most people are in favour of abolition. Kenny and Fine Gael may have trumpeted the abolition of the Seanad loudly as a policy platform in the run up to the election, but they never once mentioned cost.
The abject lack of reform in the Dáil is what is being swept under the carpet here. Once this has been put to bed, electoral and Dáil reform will be off the agenda for the remainder of the Dáil term. The whip system will remain. The electoral system will remain the same. The excoriation of the Dáil as a relevant chamber will persist. The concentration of power in the executive, in the top of the executive, will endure. The government has succeeded in creating an effective dictatorship, without checks and balances, without accountability, and doomed to repeat the same mistakes that we made the night of the Bank Guarantee. The government is too close to see it, and the rest of us are either blind or disinterested. Sure, we have elections, and we can change who the dictator is. But the song remains the same.
I'm voting to retain the Seanad. Why? Because of the cynical, populist, and arrogant way in which the Government has decided to execute its campaign. This isn't reform, it changes nothing. The problem is with the concentration of power, and this does nothing to address that. This is nothing to do with saving money - no permanent jobs will go, and no buildings will go. Yet the Government has said that this is why they are doing it, and, according to the Irish Times poll on Monday, that is why most people are in favour of abolition. Kenny and Fine Gael may have trumpeted the abolition of the Seanad loudly as a policy platform in the run up to the election, but they never once mentioned cost.
The abject lack of reform in the Dáil is what is being swept under the carpet here. Once this has been put to bed, electoral and Dáil reform will be off the agenda for the remainder of the Dáil term. The whip system will remain. The electoral system will remain the same. The excoriation of the Dáil as a relevant chamber will persist. The concentration of power in the executive, in the top of the executive, will endure. The government has succeeded in creating an effective dictatorship, without checks and balances, without accountability, and doomed to repeat the same mistakes that we made the night of the Bank Guarantee. The government is too close to see it, and the rest of us are either blind or disinterested. Sure, we have elections, and we can change who the dictator is. But the song remains the same.
Wednesday, September 25, 2013
Dealing with the Data Protection Commissioner
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| My case went in an official 'file' in a 'filing cabinet' :) |
Wednesday, July 24, 2013
Fine Gael and The Will To Power
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| Abolishing the Seanad is an intellectually lazy and populist move that will compound our system's failure |
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